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Sudan Studies Association 27th Annual
Conference May 16-18, 2008
hosted at: Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida Call
for Papers Theme: "Sudan's Wars and Peace Agreements"
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Conference Program
ABSTRACTS
Presenter: Nahid Abunama-Elgadi
Affiliation: Sudanese-American Young Adult Project, Temple University
Presentation Title: Teaching Islam for Sudanese-American Students: A Human
Rights-Integrated Curriculum [Presentation Two]
Abstract:
This paper is a continuation
of the same presentation/abstract which will first be addressed
by Mohamed Ibrahim (please see abstract below).
****************************
Presenter: Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf
Affiliation: Qatar University and Sir William Luce Fellow, Durham University
Presentation Title: Initiating Inclusive Security, Waging Peace: Darfurian
Politics and Culture in the Eyes of its Women
Abstract:
For the past few years,
Sudanese women hailing from the besieged region of Darfur,
have been diligently working to ameliorate the pervasive
victimization and suffering in their home communities. Efforts
inside and outside of Sudan have been
systematic in drawing attention to the worsening conditions
in the region. This paper will link the two types of these
activist networks elucidating some similarities and differences
that set diaspora politics apart from other Sudanese activism
in Darfur. Of particular
interest are the numerous events that were organized in
places ranging from the U.S. Congress, the National Security
Council, the U.S. Department of State, the World Bank, and
the United Nations among numerous organizations that shape
foreign policy vis-a-vis this beleaguered region. Analysis
of the significances of Darfurian female activist networks
in these locations will be addressed. Their input in peace
talks will be highlighted specifically with respect to three
fundamental areas: first, post-conflict reconstruction,
second enabling the return of internally-displaced persons
and finally, mobilization and inclusion of women as key
players in any future peace negotiations.
****************************
Presenter: Mey Eltayeb Ahmed
Affiliation: University of Khartoum
Presentation Title: The Peace Agreement Does Not Guarantee Sustainable Peace
in Sudan"
Abstract:
This paper aims to explore
the challenges faced by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
and tries to answer an important question: does this agreement
guarantee a sustainable peace in Sudan?
The prolonged civil war in the south, the Nuba Mountains,
the Blue Nile and Eastern Sudan have been quelled by different
peace agreements, however, the ongoing conflict in Darfur
reflects the incompatibility in interests, needs and perceptions
between the different antagonized groups. This presentation
investigates these different peace agreements signed since
the 1970s with a special focus on the Sudanese experience
with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) the, Eastern
Sudan Peace Agreement (ESPA) and the ongoing peace negotiations
in Darfur (DPA).
The paper argues that
first, to understand the causes of the conflict and its
escalations one must second learn the lessons from the failed
Addis Ababa Peace Agreement of 1972. The ways to accommodate
the disputed groups' interests and to and develop an appropriate
conflict management system is to change the negative interaction
between the national and traditional management system.
The CPA however, reflects several weaknesses and challenges,
especially conflict resolution and conflict transformation
approaches. The latter have different mechanisms which should
be considered. Ultimately, building sustainable peace and
development requires participation of all stakeholders,
transparency, and joint goals to carry over the bumps of
the peace road of the future. Ultimately I will offer crucial
conclusions and recommendations which will shed light on
important steps for sustainable conflict management and
development in Sudan.
*********************
Presenter: Mom Kou Nhial Arou
Affiliation: University of Khartoum
Title of Presentation: The Comprehensive PeaceAgreement and the Future of the Sudan
Abstract:
The
Sudan People's Liberation Movement and the Sudan Government
signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Nairobi
in 2005. This Agreement ended the civil war and granted
to the South Sudan an autonomous system of government with a legislative
assembly as well as a separate army. The South Will Vote
in a referendum in 2011 to determine the future of the Sudan; whether it will remain united
or separated into two States -- South and North.
This paper will attempt to speculate on
the future of the Sudan
in light of this referendum. The paper will refer to the
CPA, the Constitution, and the documents related to the
problems of implementation.
**********************************
Presenter: Naseem Badiey
Affiliation: University of Oxford
Presentation Title: The Local Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Land,
Urban Development, and State-Building in Juba
(2005-2007)
Abstract:
The post-conflict reconstruction
process in Southern Sudan
has encountered various challenges since the signing of
the CPA, including the slow implementation of the CPA protocols,
continued fighting and insecurity in various areas, slow
dispersal of funds through the World Bank Multi-donor Trust
Fund, and pervasive lack of capacity in the new institutions
of the GoSS. Another important, though often overlooked
challenge has been delays in urban development in Juba
resulting from local resistance to land allocation and IDP
resettlement in the new capital.
This essay examines the
role of local politics and societal organizations in the
process of post-conflict reconstruction by examining ongoing
disputes between the GoSS and the Government of Central
Equatoria State in the first two years of the interim period.
I argue that these disputes indicate underlying problems
with the state-building process in Southern
Sudan. An understanding of how local communities
view and interact with the post-conflict state is an essential
aspect of the study of post-conflict reconstruction; it
is as critical to a successful transition as are the national
and international dynamics of post-conflict politics.
**********************************
Presenter: Malik Balla
Affiliation: Michigan
State University
Presentation Title: The Prospect of the Participation of Sudanese in the
Diaspora in the Election in Sudan
Abstract:
The upcoming election
in Sudan,
as a result of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) is
approaching. This election is expected to be a decisive
moment in Sudan's
history of the issue of which elected official will oversee
the country as well as the South Sudan
decision on self-determination. As the election approaches
Sudan's demography has witnessed its
greatest historical shift because of internal displacement
and massive immigration due to the Islamist military coup
of 1989 and its imposition of an ideology widely rejected
by many Sudanese people.
The previous attempt
to involve Sudanese living abroad in an election was limited
only to graduates who worked in the Gulf area or those studying
overseas. Few communities were involved during military
regimes, largely because people within Sudan were either
not interested or a little apprehensive.
Currently the situation
is very different because the Sudanese communities in the
diaspora now represent all walks of life. Even though many
have received formal higher education, many others have
never been exposed to any kind of formal education and are
still illiterate.
This paper intends to
examine whether the Sudanese in the diaspora are going to
participate in this election or not. If they are to participate,
through which measures can they secure their participation?
How are these would-be voters going to register; are they
going to register as one constituency or in their respective
places of birth? What modes of participation will be followed?
Will it be through direct ballot in one center or by the
internet. Will absentee voters mail in their votes as absentee
voters? Who will be eligible to vote? What kind of documentation
will be needed? What, ultimately, will be the cost of this
process and who will pay?
********************************
Presenter: Carol Berger
Affiliation: University of Oxford
Presentation Title: "Bringing God to the Trenches: The
SPLA's Evolving Relationship
with the Church."
Abstract:
In the early years of the civil war, the
Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) had an often conflicted
relationship with the church. Then allied with the Socialist
East bloc, the guerrilla army downplayed religious faith.
There were also confrontations between the SPLA and senior
religious figures over the SPLA's mistreatment of southern
Sudanese civilians and allegations of corruption and brutality
within its own ranks. In the latter years of the war, however,
some SPLA veterans worked to "bring God to the trenches."
Three years after the signing of the CPA, the SPLA has moved
closer to the region's Christian establishment, in part
to strengthen its support among the disparate peoples of
southern Sudan. In my paper, I will discuss
the changing relationship of the SPLA and the church, focusing
on the ways in which the SPLA has alternatively sought to
subordinate religious forces and to receive sanction from
the church.
*********************************
Presenter: Stephanie Beswick
Affiliation: Ball State University
Presentation Title: South Sudanese Violence and Resistance in the 19th-Century
Slave Trading Era
Abstract:
This presentation forms
part of a larger monograph concerning slavery, slave raids
and South Sudanese resistance during the nineteenth-century
slave raiding/trading era. In past presentations I have
covered intra-South Sudanese slaving systems during the
pre-colonial era among the Shilluk, Dinka, Azande and Bari.
This paper will cover the era of intra-Southern wars and
resistance to external slave raiders during the nineteenth-century
Turco-Egyptian colonial period. Much of this research is
based on oral histories collected during field research
in South Sudan (1996-7) and Kenya during the time of the
recent civil war as well as field research in 2006 in Juba,
Rumbek and Malakal.
***************************
Presenter: Megan Borsuk
Affiliation: California Institute of Integral Studies
Presentation Title: Sudan: Violence in Response to Structural Violence
Abstract:
I wish to discuss the
impact of colonialism on Sudan's violent history and its
residual effects in the present. Violence in Sudan should
not be reduced to culture, ecology, politics, religion,
or ethnicity. We must deconstruct the structures that (re)produce
and hold in place violence. The British-Egyptian colonial
regimes fractured Sudan into geo-political borders which
have caused uneven and unjust development throughout Sudan.
The constructed borders helped build a powerful class of
Northern Sudanese. The dominant class reproduced a government
modeled after the colonial nation-state to gain independence.
The underlying foundations to the colonial nation-state
are a will to conform and control the masses. Sudan's independent
government inherited these critical aspects of governance.
As a result, Sudan's history is fraught with violence and
resistance. I will draw from the discourses of Michel Foucault
and Edward Said to analyze the fundamental ideologies of
the dominant modern nation-state. I will use these thinkers
to analyze how the modern state produces and interacts with
state-subjects. How does the reproduction of the modern
nation-state in Sudan produce subjects who are alienated
and exploited? Is the violence a response to the structural
alienation and exploitation implemented through the modern
nation-state?
**************************************
Presenter: Derek Catsam
Affiliation: University of Texas at the Permian Basin, Odessa
Presentation Title: "Never Again," Again: Sudan and the Darfur
Crisis, A Review Essay
Abstract:
The pattern is relentless,
bleak, frustrating, and odiously predictable. The leadership
of Sudan and its murderous minions are brazen and cynical.
The rest of the world is feckless. Sudan oversteps, the
world criticizes, hints of ramifications to come. Sudan
backs off just long enough for the goldfish-length attention
span of the western powers to turn their attentions elsewhere.
And the Sudan returns almost immediately to its cruel and
rapacious ways. This essay will utilize as its foundation
a series of recent books on the Darfur crisis by a range
of authors, including Gerard Prunier, M. W. Daly, Brian
Steidle and Gretchen Stiedle Wallace, Eric Reeves, Alex
de Waal and Julie Flint and others to assess the history,
current situation, and possible future of Darfur. I am not an historian of Darfur. My work is
on race and politics in the United State and South Africa
and I teach modern Africa, but as someone who writes about
contemporary African affairs I have taken an interest in
the Sudan and have been asked to write this essay for Democritiya,
a British politics journal. I would like to utilize the
Sudan Studies Association meeting to present my ideas, which
are geared toward an educated lay audience, to specialists.
**************************
Presenter: Sacha Chambers
Affiliation: Nova Southeastern University
Presentation Title: “The Impact of Women on the Peace Negotiations in
Sudan”
Abstract:
In
modern times, we have increasingly witnessed the importance
of women at the peace table.
Women are often more predisposed to be natural peace
advocates and envoys. Their awareness of such qualities serves as
passion enablers for other women to emulate on the road
to peace. The passion is no different for the women in
Sudan.
The
innovative UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on “Women,
Peace and Security,” mandated that women participate in
the peace process. Despite the mandate, Sudanese women have been
consistently sidelined in the peace process in their country. However, they have still made their mark.
Sudanese women have endured many years
of violations of their human rights and they continue to
do so. Nevertheless, their participation in the peace-building
in Sudan is critical for the future of the country. The Darfur Peace Agreement, which was signed
on May 5, 2006, did not achieve peace and in certain respects
it actually heightened the conflict. While Sudanese women
played hardly any role in the peace negotiations process
of the Darfur Peace Agreement, their contributions to peace
building in Sudan is paramount.
**************************
Presenter: Ayok Chol
Affiliation: Justice, Barrister & Solicitor, Juba, Southern Sudan
Presentation Title: Implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement Pacta
Sunt Servanda
Abstract:
The conflict in the Sudan
is not only a protracted one lasting over one thousand years,
it is seen by scholars as the most vicious in terms of human
and resources destruction. The last organization to resist
was the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army/Movement. This group
concluded a peace agreement referred to as supra with the
Islamic fundamentalist forces who called themselves the
National Congress Party (NCP). This agreement was facilitated
by various groups including the United Nations Security
Council. It is therefore to be assumed that the parties
to the agreement will implement it pacta sunt servanda.
The paper will seek to provide a balance-sheet on how the
two parties and other parties are implementing this agreement.
Has the SPLA followed the terms of their agreement? Was
it right for the SPLA to withdraw its participation in the
government? Did the NCP abide by their obligations? Is the
NCP willing to concede sovereignty to Southern Sudan? Did
third parties who promised to assist the South fulfill their
promises? What will the NCP do if the South votes for independence?
The author knows that over ninety percent of Southern Sudan
will vote for independence and will offer suggestions as
to what actions Southerners should take to ensure a peaceful
post-referendum period. The key to actions that need to
be taken now include a concerted effort to unite Southerners
and for them to develop good intra-southern relations. Asset
transfers between the north and the south need to be addressed.
Northerners and Southerners who wish to take on the nationality
of where they are currently settled should be guaranteed
their fundamental freedoms.
**************************
Presenter: Carla Nichelle Daughtry
Presentation Title: The Idea of a “New Sudan” Among a New Sudanese
Diaspora: A Proposal for Research Among Sudanese Immigrants
in the Midwestern United States
Affiliation: Lawrence University
Abstract:
In
the wake of the fragile peace accords established since
the summer of 2004, many Sudanese opt not to or are unable
to repatriate to Sudan and have continued to live in what
were asylum countries (such as Egypt) or third-country resettlement
locations (such as Canada, the United States, or Australia).
This is in part because, lacking economic resources
and political power, they find they will need much more
than “offical peace” in order to return and rebuild a New
Sudan. There are also contestations over just what
is the New Sudan in cultural, economic, political and ethnic
terms. This presentation proposes interview-based research
that explores Sudanese refugee and immigrant perspectives
on challenges facing the “New Sudan,” and their own transnational
and diasporic identity vis a vis their Sudanese homeland.
The presentation will feature one ethnographic interview
in which these issues emerge and inspire further cultural
anthropology research.
************************
Presenter: Scott Edwards
Presentation Title: The Double-Edge of Advocacy: Effects of Human Rights
NGOs on the Prospects for Peace in Darfur
Affiliation: Amnesty International
Abstract:
What effect has the human
rights advocacy campaigns related to Darfur had on the ground?
On the one hand, activity by groups such as the "Save
Darfur Coalition" and other more generally focused
NGOs has brought immense attention to the human tragedy
in Darfur. This activity--while driven by laudable principles
and convictions--may have complicated the political landscape
by entrenching armed opposition group leaders and creating
the false impression that the international community was
soon to intervene. In this paper, the author explores the
various advocacy strategies of human rights NGOs working
on Darfur, and details the positive outcomes of those strategies,
as well as the pernicious unintended consequences. The conclusions
about the role of such NGOs with regard to Darfur offer
important considerations for NGO advocacy work in general,
and future work on Darfur in particular.
****************************
Presenter: Mousa M. Elbasha
Affiliation: Puebla, Mexico
Presentation Title: The Root Causes of the Sudanese Problem
Abstract:
Nation building in pluralistic
societies includes equitable sharing of power and wealth,
broad-based stimulation of economic and social development,
promotion and utilization of democratic practices, establishment
of a national identity and respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. Sudan faced these challenges in 1956
and still confronts them today.
Sudan is comprised of
many different tribal communities with no effective integration.
Tribal affiliation and regionalism prevail over any nascent
consciousness of Sudanese national identity. Inevitably,
regional political groups have arisen espousing secession
to achieve their political goals while trashing the entire
concept of national unity.
To resolve Sudan's core
problems, the majority of Sudanese must develop an appreciation
of national unity and a feeling of national identity. Open
dialogue bridging regional and tribal boundaries is essential
to mutual understanding and trust but will not suffice to
bring lasting peace and prosperity. All those in positions
of political, military or religious authority must work
to heal the wounds of this torn and divided country cooperatively
building upon its natural and human resources to forge a
strong and united nation, democratic in principle and practice,
wherein all Sudanese enjoy equal and unrestricted access
to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
**********************************
Presenter:
Ahmed E. Elbashir
Affiliation:
Head of Department of Europe, the Americas and International
Organizations, Council for International People’s Friendship
(CIPF)
Presentation Title: The Impact of Foreign Military
and Civilian Presence on the Peace Process in Sudan
Abstact:
The Sudanese are divided over the impact
of the heavy international presence in the Sudan related
to the implementation of the peace agreements and the culture
of peace. They are equally concerned about the presence
of large numbers of refugees and undocumented persons from
neighboring countries My paper deals with this highly sensitive
and complicated subject. Most of the material comes
from the workshop organized on March 24-26, 2008 by
the National Assembly with heavy presence of the Assembly's
diversified membership. The Conference has been
widely covered by both Arabic and English newspapers.
I intend to conduct interviews with politicians and academics.
*****************************
Presenter: Abubakr Elnoor
Affiliation: Nova Southeastern University
Presentation Title: Crimes Against Humanity, Rebel Divisions
and Genocide in Darfur
Abstract:
Lord
Cromer said,”
On no account had a greater amount of ingenuity to be exercised
in effecting an apparent reconciliation by a pardonable
fiction between the facts as they existed and the facts
as they were supposed to exist”(Khalid 2003:3).
Darfur is a geopolitical frontier and the
largest state in Sudan. In the early years of the twenty
–first century, Darfur has suffered from famine, pestilence,
death, and war. Throughout history Darfur was very rich
of hospitalization, unity, solidarity, and peace; it had
never been a problem of coexistence between Arab and non
–Arab before 1983, when prime minister Al –Saddig Al –Mahddi
came to power through an impartial election(Iyob & Khadiagagla
2006:133). Darfurians, historically, used to live together,
sharing all resources regardless of race, occupation, or
any other factors. But after 1983, things have changed,
and animosity between tribes has reached horrible levels.
Prime minister Al –Saddiq Al –Mahddi in 1983
formed the so –called “Arab Gathering” to relocate all wandering
nomads of Darfur on Fur and other domestic tribes’ land.
Also, he ensured the Darfurians’ loyalty by deceiving and
repressing them with his arms such as Janjaweed. The assimilation
in Sudan of Arab –Islamic culture was the signal achievement
of the two great African kingdoms of Fur and Funj which
had been fighting for their existence until the late twentieth
century.
Today, Darfur is lying under several crises
due to a systematic marginalization exercised by the central
government of Sudan and its allies. According to United
Nations and other international organizations, 300,000 people
have been killed since 2003 when Darfurian rebels confronted
with Khartoum. Approximately 2.5 million people either displaced
or sought a refuge in the neighboring countries such as
Chad. Hundreds of thousands of women have been raped during
this short period of time which indicates the atrocity of
the central government towards its civilians. Rape is a
new weapon used excessively in Darfur by the central government
to change Darfur’s demography.
This paper will examine and address how the
Sudanese government is responsible for all crimes against
humanity which have been committed in Darfur, and its refusal
to cooperate with humanitarian organizations. Additionally,
we will talk about the Janjaweed? Where does the militia
come from? Also, the paper examines how the Darfur Peace
Agreement (DPA) caused the situation in Darfur to scramble.
We will also touch upon how the Darfurian
rebel divisions attributed to the Darfurians’ endurance
and strengthened Khartoum. Why did the United Nations turn
a blind eye towards the atrocity in Darfur after a five
–year period good outstanding?
Finally, the paper will compare the genocide
in Rwanda, with the genocide in Darfur, and how the United
States refused to consider what happened in Rwanda as genocide
but considered Darfur’s atrocity as genocide. And to what
extent are terminologies and definitions important to motivate
countries or international organizations to act according
to their moral and legal responsibilities?
*********************
Presenter: Maisha Elonai
Affiliation: University of Pennsylvania
Presentation Title: Traditional Notions of Communal Property Versus Ownership
Rights in Southern Sudanese Cities
Abstract:
Traditional notions of
communal property, rapidly expanding populations resulting
from resettlement, and underdeveloped waste and infrastructure
management have complicated land use and ownership rights
in southern Sudanese cities. As the South seeks to stabilize
itself, especially in preparation for the coming referendum,
the government would be wise to consider legislation that
will foster a comprehensive land management system -- for
health, economic and social reasons, as well as basic responsibility
to its people.
Certain fundamental elements
of property regulation in the United States, such as title
registration, zoning, eminent domain, and exactions could
potentially be adapted to resolve land conflicts and health
hazards in Sudan. This paper will rely on reports such as
the Sudan Post-Conflict Environmental Assessment, recently
released by the United Nations Environmental Programme,
in order to compare property management in the United States
and Sudan, and to describe how new legislation might be
implemented to benefit capacity building in the South.
*******************************
Presenter: Elsadig Elsheikh
Affiliation: School for International Training, Brattleboro, VT
Presentation Title: The 3Rs and the CPA in Sudan
Abstract:
For a number of years
Sudan has been a scene of violent clashes and political
unrest. Although today's conflict in Darfur is considered
one of the worst humanitarian crises, this conflict, however,
cannot be understood without careful examination of the
previous civil wars. This paper examines the implications
of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that was signed
in 2005 between the government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan
People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). In addition,
I will specifically focus on the process of Reconciliation,
Reconstruction, and Resolution (3Rs) of the CPA and its
negative implications in the ongoing conflict of the Darfur
region. The CPA lacks the understanding of the real causes
of the violence in Darfur which is an extension of the policy
of marginalization by the center toward its peripheries.
This paper argues that the conflict is not an isolated phenomenon
but one deeply rooted in the political economy of the hegemonic
nature of the State and its unequal regional development
policies in the last fifty years. The latter have greatly
contributed to the use of violence as the sole means of
solving such issues as development, identity, and representation
in Sudan. This paper also offers modest recommendations
for the crisis of Darfur and Sudan as a whole in restoring
lasting peace.
***************************************
Presenter: Randall Fegley
Affiliation: Penn State University, Reading
Presentation Title: Re-division Reconsidered
Abstract:
Sudan's sub-national
boundaries have seen many changes over the past century.
With the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, much
attention has been given to the fixing of borders, i.e.
the South, Abyei, etc. More than ever, this is a time for
reflection on the historical, cultural and political dynamics
of past systems. This paper introduces the numerous geographical
configurations that various regimes have developed during
the Condominium era and since independence. This paper particularly
concentrates on the 1980/81 regional and local reforms and
the proposed 1983 re-division of the South. The "federal"
states created by the Beshir regime and the sub-divisions
of the South are examined to provide a context within which
an analysis of existing and alternative borders can be pursued
beyond the politically-charged discussions of the past.
*******************************
Presenter: Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban
Affiliation: Rhode Island College
Presentation Title: Shari'a and Islamism: Has Sudan Entered a Post-Islamist
Era?
PANEL TITLE: The Fate of the Relationship Between Religion and Politics
After the Signing of the CPA
Abstract:
Sudan was the only African
state to apply Shari'a comprehensively as a national law
and it is well-known to have precipitated its second period
of civil war after 1983. The historical Comprehensive Peace
Agreement (CPA) officially withdrew Shari'a as state law
in Sudan and a "one country--two systems" -- Shari'a
in the north and secularism in the south--was adopted. The
disengagement of Islamism from the Sudanese state, albeit
under intense internal and external pressures, raises the
question of whether or not Sudan has entered a post-Islamist
phase. Jallab, The First Islamist Republic (2008)
in English and Ibrahim Suqqot al-Nashrua al-Hadari
("Collapse of the Civilization Project") (2003)
in Arabic, have described, respectively, the "disintegration
of Islamism" and have pronounced the demise of Islamism.
Shari'a was the primary
instrument of the rise of Sudan's Islamism and it should
be a key barometer of its withdrawal, disintegration, or
revival. Officially withdrawn from South Sudan and from
non-Muslims in the capital, a case for Sudan entering a
post-Islamist phase could be made. However, neither the
"final status" of Shari'a nor a clear direction
for national unity are certain three years after the CPA.
Slow and inadequate implementation of the CPA, as well as
the unresolved Darfur insurgency, make the prospect for
political transformation promised by the CPA doubtful.
Post-Islamism as an idea
originated in France amid debates analyzing the past 35
years of global Islamist activism. Critical study of Sudan's
Islamism is a vital part of the analysis of the future of
the country, as a "new" Sudan, or two--or more--polities.
One indicator of post-Islamism is the evolution toward an
institutionalized Islamic state, rather than a state-imposed
Islamist agenda by militarists, such as in Sudan. Assessment
of the structural and institutional success of the Islamist
program will be discussed in regard to Shari'a and new legal
institutions developed since 2005.
Under the auspices of
a two year grant from the U.S. Institute of Peace I have
researched the changing status and application of Shari'a
in the "interim period," prior to scheduled national
elections mandated by the CPA and to the national referendum
on unity or separation of the south. Impulses toward more
democratic public discourse are notable after the CPA, but
nonetheless are blunted by the state security apparatus.
This paper reviews the process of withdrawal of Shari'a--as
well as resistance to this and the development of parallel
legal institutions by the Government of South Sudan. The
paper invites discussion and debate of the post-CPA period
as "post-Islamist," or as a new, perhaps, more
mature stage of Sudan's continuing Islamism, now in its
25th year.
******************************************
Presenter: Maria Gabrielsen
Affiliation: Paris, Sciences Po-CERI
Presentation Title: Internationalization of the Conflicts in Sudan: A Resource
or a Constraint for Making Peace?
Abstract:
How can we explain that
some initiatives of internationalizing internal conflicts
lead to the signing of sustainable peace agreements, while
others only generate negative impacts on the conflict and
even contribute to worsening them? The conflict in Southern
Sudan went through a long term low-level internationalization,
with international NGO's and foreign diplomats involved
over many years. Yet it did not create sufficient momentum
to gather the parties around a common peace agreement. Once
a small group of capable and willing states became involved,
however, and decided to support the regional organization
of IGAD in their peace initiatives, an agreement was soon
on the table. In Darfur, however, calls for the international
community to react and intervene to solve the conflict have
been incessant over the past few years. A large and relatively
efficient humanitarian operation has been set up. On the
political level, however, the international efforts to set
up peace talks seem to have created more internal dissent
and fragmentation than reconciliation and progress towards
peace. Meanwhile, the Eastern Sudan has received very little
international attention and humanitarian help. The Eastern
Sudan Peace Agreement, on the other hand, was negotiated
and signed in 2006.
*****************************
Presenter: Datejie Green
Affiliation: York University
Presentation Title: Film: "Acts of Love - The Struggle for Sudan"
(Women and the CPA)
Abstract: "Acts of Love" bears witness to the dawn of
peace in war-ravaged southern Sudan through the stories
of women who played a critical role in sewing the seeds
of unity and dialogue. Their words speak to the people's
hope and love for the land and the alluring promise of freedom
and prosperity following 50 years of civil war. This film
was shot in Kenya and South Sudan in the weeks following
the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on January
9, 2005. It explores everyday life, as it was from survival
to the perpetual tasks of communicating and mobilizing for
justice and peace. Unique and historic events, including
political meetings and celebrations coalesce with interviews
to reveal a moment of precarious yet unprecedented possibility.
*****************************
Presenter: Mohamed Ibrahim (Mohamed Elgadi)
Affiliation: Amherst Progressive Muslims
Presentation Title: Teaching Islam for Sudanese-American Students: A Human
Rights-Integrated Curriculum [Presentation One]
Abstract:
Since the first bombing
of the World Trade Center in 1993 and the fact that numbers
of Sudanese Americans were found to be involved, many Sudanese
expressed surprise about such violent behavior. However,
the roots and causes were evident in several mosques in
Brooklyn, New York, where many of these Sudanese lived.
Messages of hate messages against non-Muslims were publicly
aired from the loudspeakers and amplifiers of mosque minarets
during Friday sermons. In 2006, another cell of young Canadian
Muslims was infiltrated before carrying out a massive bombing
attack in southern Ontario. Those involved were Western
homegrown "Jihadists" and were not imported from
Khartoum, Waziristan, or Kandahar.
This paper is an attempt
to explore and evaluate the curriculum that has been used
to teach the subject of Islamic Studies in the informal
weekend school of the Sudanese community in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania. The goal of this evaluation is to explore
whether this curriculum addresses contemporary Islamic issues
vis-a-vis the community needs in light of difficulties that
face Muslims, and in particular immigrant ones, after the
9/11 terrorist attacks. This study adopts a different concept
in Advocacy Evaluation, and the methodology in use is in-depth
qualitative evaluation interviews that involve parents,
teachers, and students.
A natural follow-up to
this study would be a human rights-focused curriculum that
addresses the concerns of radicalization and indoctrination
that has hijacked Islam, which has resulted in the forced
migration of most of the Sudanese-Americans from their homeland
of Sudan.
****************************
Presenter: Khalid Kodi
Affiliation: Boston College/Massachusetts
College of Art and Design
Presentation Title: Sudan’s Wars: Peace and Wars
Abstract:
This
is an art work presentation, preceded by introductory remarks
by Khalid Kodi and taking place alongside the conference
reception on Friday evening.
*****************************
Presenter: Cherry Leonardi
Affiliation: Durham University
Presentation Title: Spiritual Power, Political Power and Peace-Making in
the "New" Southern Sudan
Abstract:
This paper discusses
the historical and contemporary roles of religious leaders
in Southern Sudan. Political and military leaders in the
south have increasingly sought legitimacy through both the
Christian churches and traditional religious leaders like
spearmasters and rainmakers. Civilians, on the other hand,
uphold spiritual and supernatural powers as counterbalancing
forces against the military. In some regional and local
conflicts, religious leaders have spoken out against government
and army complicity, and have been prominent in peacemaking
efforts. Spiritual authority continues to play a key part
in defining overlapping moral communities, but is less prominent
in local judicial processes nowadays than the more immediate,
everyday authority of chiefs. Further, while churches have
grown in size and variety, they have also been tainted by
accusations of corruption, and their relationship to development,
foreign missionaries; the "book" links them to
'the government' in the eyes or rural communities. Religious
authority thus continues to reflect something of a rural-urban
divide as well as a certain kind of ambivalent status due
to the fact that they play an intermediary role between
people and either government or god.
************************************
Presenter: Richard Lobban
Affiliation: Rhode Island College
Presentation Title: Iron Working in Meroe: The Story Continues
Abstract:
Continuing from the 2007
Sudan Studies Association Conference presentation, this
panel should have results of chemical analysis of finished
iron products from Meroe to be compared with slag and ore
from the same region. The panel will also present a film
of traditional production in West Africa that uses techniques
that are presumed to be similar to those used at Meroe.
In short, we hope to deepen and concretize the study of
ancient iron production in Nubia in specific and the Sudan
in general.
*********************************
Presenter: David Kueth Thiyng Luk
Affiliation:
National Consultant, Secretary for Peace and Political Affairs, Council
for International People’s Friendship (CIPF)
Presentation Title: The Sudanese and International Community
Efforts in Resolving Sudan Civil Conflicts
Abstract:
Sudan has experienced civil conflicts
before and after independence in 1956. These factors
have hindered prospective measures that the new state has
to pursue. However, my paper's contribution will highlight
the efforts of Sudanese people as well as the international
community in resolving the conflict(s).
The
paper shall state the modalities of transforming the peace
agreement(s) into common man/woman life. The paper
will also focus on the impact of every accord at the respective
areas in Sudan prospectively.
*****************************
Presenter: Baqie Badawi Muhammad
Affiliation: Indiana University
Presentation Title: "Darfur
Crisis and Women Artists: The Invention of Beauty during
Times of Hardship"
Abstract:
Women in Darfur, and in western Sudan in
general, and women artists in particular, have responded
with stamina as they faced hardship. Throughout the history
of the region, they played significant roles in political
and socio-economic life. Muslim travelers were astonished
by the freedom accorded to the royal women within the Darfur
sultanate. Broadly speaking, it may be argued that women
in Darfur have remarkably distinguished themselves from
the rest of the Sudanese Muslim women in terms of production
skills and conducts. Despite common notions concerning Muslim
women and seclusion, Darfurian women take on both domestic
and production roles. They have shared a number of jobs
designated elsewhere as men's profession: they work as farmers,
butchers, as well as building constructors. Women in Darfur
assert themselves vigorously in the social and economic
arenas.
The
continuous drought cycles, which started in the 1970s, created
an enormous pressure on Darfurian people. Once fertile land
was transformed into an enormous desert; people faced the
inescapable reality of food shortage, starvation and famine.
Consequent governments did nothing to ease the situation
or to provide a humane and dignified condition for the average
citizen in Darfur. This dreadful situation forced a number
of Darfurians to leave their own land for other places in
the Sudan to survive the hardship. This situation raises
fundamental issues concerning injustice and inequality in
the region, which inevitably led to the horrible situation
in Darfur today.
During the height of famine in the 1980s,
Darfurian women artists faced the challenge and took the
initiative to change the function of basketry from a utilitarian
to a decorative form by inventing new designs, patterns
and shapes in order to create a marketable product that
could save their families from starvation. Basket-weaving
was and still is the leading art product in Darfur, especially
in rural areas. Manawashai, Marsheng, Juruf and Nyala have
continued to be famous centers for the mass production of
basket-making.
Currently, in fighting the rebels, the Sudanese
government forces burned and destroyed a number of these
basket-making centers. The villagers took refuge in urban
centers or ended up in refugee camps. In response to the
politics of the current Islamic régime and the socio-economic
situation, Darfurian women artists continued to create new
patterns in basketry as a copying strategy to face hardship
times. Careful analysis of basket designs in Darfur reveals
that the patterns are accurately documented pieces of history
that depict the horror of famine, as well as record other
social and political events. This highlights the Darfurian
women artists' creativity for whom the invention of beauty
in desperate times is an affirmation of faith, an act of
self-realization, and an assertion of committed artists.
******************************
Presenter: Margaret Otto
Affiliation: Berlin
Presentation Title: Perspectives for Peace: Gender-Specific Views from Sudan
2006
Abstract:
This report deals with
the question of equal participation of women in Sudan in
developing their society after the end of the civil war.
It shows which perspectives are anticipated and visible
for the phase of peace consolidation. The paper is based
on interviews with ten Sudanese female political activists.
The conceptual frame
for the interviews is an assumption taken from peace and
conflict studies: sustainable peace keeping effort requires
the participation of everyone in the country, women in particular.
To achieve a consolidation of peace, four dilemmas have
to be addressed: participation, security, forgiveness and
social justice.
All the interviews showed
that equal participation of women confronts male-based interests.
This holds true for example in certain fields of legislation.
Currently women do not have the right of landownership although
the dominant agrarian structure in Sudan recognizes that
most agricultural work is done by women. Family law is equally
constricting women's decision-making spaces. Men have far
reaching control over large parts of family and social life.
The women see this is in stark contrast to their demand
for gender democracy, which - as they are aware - is anchored
in the United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
They point out that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement bases
itself on the authority of the UN-declaration for peace-keeping
efforts in the Sudan.
The gender-specific approach
made cultural-specific aspects visible that would not have
emerged otherwise. This is especially true for the question
of security. For example, a widely accepted definition of
what is to be understood by violence and its description
by civil law are still to be constructed. Different cultural
traditions and norms contain different gender-specific nuances
in this respect. Peacekeeping needs to address and limit
civil violence against women on the basis of specific security
standards.
In the Sudan specific
social abilities in the process of reconciliation and forgiveness
are ascribed to women, as they are often assigned to mediate
in conflict. Yet, the women interviewed understand these
processes as imminently political, requiring the participation
of society at large and being independent of the gender
question. They consider sustainable peacekeeping efforts
need a broad willingness for reconciliation and forgiveness
across gender and cultural divides. The recognition of equal
positions in social justice for men and women seems to require
a far-reaching modernization of many areas of Sudanese society,
a process which in itself can harbor conflicts; for example,
the question of women's participation and the willingness
to allow their presence in public. For peacekeeping activities
in this area the experience of earlier Sudanese women's
movements could be of value.
All interviewees greatly
emphasized the common ground for all Sudanese women, however,
stressing the considerable diversity between the situation
in northern, southern, eastern, and western Sudan. Historical
development, political and social structures and economic
conditions vary greatly. A continued joint action by women
after the peace agreement can only be successful if the
political basis for such joint efforts is created.
************************
Presenter: Scopas Poggo
Affiliation: Ohio State University
Presentation Title: The Round Table
Conference of 1965 in Khartoum: The Southern Sudanese Perspective
Abstract:
My paper provides a critical examination
of the first meaningful conference (after Sudan’s independence)
between the South and the North to discuss federal status
for the people of Southern Sudan. This meeting brought together
Southern politicians within (members of the Southern Front
and William Deng’s SANU-Inside) and Aggrey Jaden’s SANU-Outside)
to discuss federal status or the possibility of a local
autonomy for the South. Foreign observers came from African
countries south of the Sahara that included Uganda, Ghana,
and Nigeria. It is important to note that the care-taker
government of Sirr al-Khattim hosted this conference. The
participants in the conference (North and South) were frank
in their discussions, and they succeeded in producing a
blueprint that would guide both parties in the implementation
of the resolutions that were passed. To be sure, the Round
Table Conference blueprint provided the foundation for the
Addis Ababa peace initiative and peace talks in the period
1969-1972. Much of the literature on this conference lacks
the Southern perspective, but I have obtained new information
that pertains to that conference.
*************************
Presenter: Assad Salih
Affiliation: Cairo, Egypt
Presentation Title: The Darfur Peace Agreement: Human Rights, Future Challenges
and a Guide for Other Peace Agreements in Sudan
Abstract:
This paper will start
by examining the main causes of the current conflict in
Darfur, tracking its development until the signature of
the peace agreement that has come to be known as the Darfur
Peace Agreement (DPA) which is the cornerstone of the peace
process in Darfur. In relation to bringing peace and settling
the current conflict in Darfur, the paper will examine the
actual effect of the DPA on the peace process and its ability
to stand expected future challenges. The DPA's section that
contains provisions addressing human rights will also be
examined explicitly vis-a-vis its effect of protecting the
rights of Darfur's Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs),
both now as well as in the future. I will also address human
rights generally in Sudan when the conflict is settled.
In addition the paper will tackle the contribution of the
DPA's shaping of a future peace in Sudan along with other
signed peace agreements. Lastly, the role of Darfuri-Darfuri
dialogue as a local initiative and its contribution as a
possible precedent for other parts of Sudan will also be
addressed.
***************************
Presenter: Noah Salomon
Affiliation: University of Chicago
Presentation Title: Rethinking Islamic Politics
in “Post-Peace” Sudan: The Salafi Critique of Islamism
Abstract:
The failure of the ruling Islamist vanguard (i.e.
the NIF and its offshoots) to maintain control of the program
of social and religious reform that they initiated, coupled
with the relative degree of political freedom afforded by
the signing of the CPA (January 2005), has brought criticisms
of the Islamist vision of Islamic politics to the fore. While the critique of the Islamist project waged
by liberals and secularists was to be expected, one of the
more nuanced and interesting voices of opposition is that
of Salafi organizations. A certain trend within the popular Salafi group
Ansaar as-Sunna has recently been voicing its long-standing
distaste with the political philosophy of Muslim Brotherhood
inspired Islamism, particularly due to the role Islamists
see for the state as a means to the Islamization of society.
My paper will explore the Salafi critique of Islamism,
paying particular attention to how they grapple with the
problem of intra-Islamic religious difference (al-ikhtilaaf)
as an obstacle or opportunity for effective political organizing.
********************************
Presenter: Thomas Schmidinger
Affiliation: University of Vienna (Political Science)
Presentation Title: Sudan -- a Failing State?
Abstract:
The failure of states
and the establishment of terrorist groups and warlords is
one of the most urgent problems in Sudan and the whole region.
The objective of my paper is not only to analyze this process
in Sudan, but also to offer a theoretic perspective on these
developments, from a political science and Marxist theoretical
perspective. Based on the theory of Nicos Poulantzas, that
state is a crystallization of social relations, Sudan will
be analyzed as an example of a failing state by disintegration
of its social relations.
The "Islamic"
neoliberalism, which disassembles the public sector on behalf
of the profit of regime-supporters, disassembles the state
itself and reduces the state on its repressive aspects.
The disintegration of Sudan, especially on its periphery
is a result of the political and economic marginalization
of these peripheric regions and the inability of an authoritarian
regime to integrate political, social, ethnic and religious
minorities into a common state.
The resulting conflict
is not only fought by regular troops but mainly by non-state
actors; guerrilla movements or the pr-governmental private
militias like the Janjaweed or the Merowe-Dam-militias that
have led to a weakening of statehood.
************************
Presenter: Ulrike Schultz
Affiliation: Free University of Berlin, Institute of Sociology
Presentation Title: "Home Coming" or "Staying On": Negotiating
Belonging After the CPA: The Case of Bari Youth in Khartoum/Sudan
Abstract:
The Three Towns (Omdurman,
Khartoum and Khartoum North) are today a multiethnic and
multinational eight million metropolis. A considerable part
of the population consists of migrants and IDPs (internally
displaced people) from Southern Sudan. After the signing
of the CPA the return of all Southern Sudanese to their
home areas has been on the political agenda of the GoS and
the SPLM but is also official policy of most of the ethnic
communities and the NGOs. However, many migrants and IDPs
are reluctant to go back to their unknown homes in Southern
Sudan. The decision about "home coming" or "staying
on" depends not only on the opportunities and perspectives
in the respective home areas but also on questions of belonging
and identity. During the negotiation process the factors
of IDPs returning with their different cross cutting identities
and notions of belonging became visible. Furthermore it
has become necessary to negotiate new and different categories
such as what it means to be a "Bari," a "Southerner,"
a woman of youth. This paper explores the negotiation of
belonging and differing identities using the case of Bari
youths who are brought up in Khartoum and are challenged
by the opportunity to go "home." Research was
conducted in the Three Towns from January 2007 to April
2007 and will be followed up from February to April 2008.
**********************************
Presenter: Jay Spaulding
Affiliation: Kean University
Presentation Title: The Iron King: The Iron Industry of Precolonial Nubian
Kordofan
Abstract:
This study uses the infrequently-cited
account of Joseph von Russegger to extend previous understandings
of pre-colonial Kordofanian ironworking. The present author's
recent work on the forgotten pre-colonial Nubian community
of northern and central Kordofan allows the construction
of a new historical context for the technical data recovered
from diverse primary sources.
*****************************
Presenter: Lako Tongun
Affiliation: Pitzer College
Presentation Title: The Political Economy of "Internal Wars," Identities
and Genocides: An Example of Sudan's Darfur
Abstract:
Some scholars (including
Sudanists) and keen observers of the "internal wars,"
in the Sudan have made rather strident but often confused
objections to the use of identities which distinguish the
victims and the perpetrators in the Darfur
and South Sudan genocides. In the former case the disagreement
is over the use of Africans (sedentary farmers) as
victims and Arabs (the NIF regime and the
"janjaweed" from the nomadic groups) as the perpetrators.
While in the latter case the objection is to the usual world
press refrain: Black Africans-Christians-Animists
in the South as victims and Arabs-Muslims
in the north as the perpetrators. Part of the confused
reasons for objections to the above identities have to do
apparently with: 1) attempts to essentialize, reify, and
view these identities as if they were fixed and unchangeable
even in the face of certain prevailing conditions and 2)
failure to come up with alternative identities. The latter
issue is a failure which, in the final analysis, tends to
lead to a sort of intellectual schizophrenia, especially
in comparison to other cases. For example, rejecting (using
quotations) and at the same time using them (abandoning
quotations) in their discussions and 3) political objectives
and an apparent intellectual rent-seeking behavior, namely,
rendering support to the position of the perpetrators, wittingly
or unwittingly, and to ingratiate as well as to rent one's
expertise for real and/or psychic income and certain privileges
in the short or long run.
The purpose of this paper
is three fold: 1) to seek theoretical explanations and understanding
of what happens to established or apparent identities in
periods of internal wars of attrition, especially when resource
control and the procurement and retention of dominant hegemonic
power are involved; 2) to use comparative and political
economic analysis that de-essentializes identities, but
one that looks at the relations between latent and apparent
identities when a process of fission and fusion of identities
seems to occur in many cases (and Sudan is no exception)
and 3) to conclude that identities are useful in explaining
and understanding internal wars of genocide, e.g. Rwanda,
when they established the criminality of the perpetrators
who enjoyed various asymmetries in the means of mass killings
(e.g. military preponderance and weapons that lead to the
massification of killings, i.e. loss of the individuality
of each victim, but one in which the victims are amorphous,
nameless, anonymous), the ability of the perpetrators to
protect their unarmed civilians contra those of their opponents
who become sitting ducks and victims of genocide. In such
a situation, identities, latent and apparent, provide the
perverted ideological justification for the crime of genocide.
In the final analysis it is the criminality of genocide
that matters. Identities (which are real or imagined self
or group definitions) are useful mainly for distinguishing
the victims and the perpetrators of genocide.
*****************************
Presenter: Nyambura Wambugu
Affiliation: University of Leeds
Presentation Title: Democratising the SPLA "The Transition from a Rebel
Movement to a Government"
Abstract:
This presentation will
look at the relationship between democratization and peace
building in the context of post conflict reconstruction.
I will demonstrate that democratisation is vital if countries
emerging from conflict are to maintain the peace and build
on it. This study will look at the Sudan People's Liberation
Army (SPLA) as a case study the SPLA/M became the government
of Southern Sudan following the signing of a Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA) between them and the government of
Sudan on the 9th of January 2005 ending 21 years of civil
war. This paper will argue that the lack of home-grown democracy
is one of the biggest threats to peace building in countries
emerging from war. It will also look at the challenges of
"crafting institutions" and critically examine
the process of building democratic institutions in southern
Sudan and post conflict countries.
This paper will also
cut across the conference theme: "Sudan's Wars and
Peace Agreements" particularly in relation to the CPA
and southern Sudan. It will argue that for the SPLA to successfully
make the transition from a liberation army into a political
movement the SPLM it will have to holistically embrace democracy.
This will require the creation of opportunities for greater
citizen participation at the local and regional level; it
will require a conscious effort on the part of the SPLA/M
to provide linkages between modern democratic institutions
and traditional forms of authority so as not to alienate
the greater number of its population and in particular ex-combatants.
At the same time, the SPLA/M will have to support the creation
of other political parties not only to legitimize their
hold of power in southern Sudan but also given the key role
parties play in aggregating interests and in linking citizens
and political institutions particularly ahead of the 2011
referendum on secession.
****************************
Presenter: Todd David Whitmore
Affiliation: University of Notre Dame
Presentation Title: Angela's Wars: The Necessity of a Sudan/Uganda Linkage
for Peace
Abstract: When I was in Magwi, South Sudan last May (2007) the
Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels were making their way
east from Owiny-ki-Bul to Ri-Kwangba gathering points, as
agreed to in the talks between the LRA and the Ugandan government.
About two hundred Lotuku people, including "Angela,"
who was bent with malnutrition, set up a tent camp at the
edge of town after being chased from the mountains by members
of the LRA. The Lotuku presence in Magwi was the result
of two interlocking conflicts. In this paper, I will draw
upon my fieldwork in Southern Sudan and Northern Uganda
to argue that any consideration of long-term peace must
take into account regional considerations. Already, the
2005 North-South agreement in Sudan has played a key role
in bringing the LRA to the bargaining table with the Ugandan
government. Conversely, the unraveling of peace talks or
agreements with regard to either country would have implications
for both. An unstable South Sudan could provide new space
for Ugandan rebel groups, perhaps supported by Khartoum,
to encamp. Failure of peace talks between the LRA and the
Ugandan government, a real prospect since the death of LRA
second-in-command Vincent Otti, leaves unstable elements
of the LRA in or near South Sudan, ready for utilization
by the Khartoum government again should the North-South
agreement fail. Consideration of the North-South tensions,
therefore, needs to take into account regional tensions.
***********************
Presenter: B. Yongo-Bure
Affiliation: Kettering University
Presentation Title: The Comprehensive Peace Agreement: Its Critics and Proponents
Abstract:
Sudan's Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA) has many critics for different reasons.
Many of the critics usually ridicule it for not being comprehensive
enough. Like the Addis Ababa Agreement, which was vehemently
opposed by the Sudanese establishment as being a secret
deal between President Nimeiri and the Southerners, the
CPA is being opposed for being an agreement between two
parties. Some of the critics oppose the substance of the
agreement. These include aspects of the agreement such as
self-determination for the South, the Abyei Boundary Commission
report, power sharing, the role of religion in government
in the North, the sharing of wealth from the South only
but not of wealth emanating from the North, etc.
The proponents of the
agreement highlight the fact that the agreement has brought
to an end one of the most vicious wars. The prevalence of
peace in most parts of the South endears the peace agreement
here, regardless of who brought it about. Highlighted are
also the confederal arrangements between the North and the
South, the provision of making unity attractive, the inclusion
of international conventions on human rights, and pluralistic
elections, etc.
However, whatever the
critics and proponents think, full implementation of the
CPA has become a prerequisite for enduring peace and unity
of Sudan. But its implementation has faced grave dangers,
especially from the larger partner to the agreement, the
National Islamic Front/National Congress Party (NIF/NCP).
The NIF/NCP, under its council, chaired by Suwar Al Dahab,
is trying to rally the leaders of the Sudanese establishment
to amend the CPA. Sadiq al Mahdi calls the CPA a "blockage
agreement" and wants the holding of a constitutional
conference, a proposal initiated by the SPLA/M in March
1985, which Al Mahdi did not attend to when he was Prime
Minister in the 1980s. Can the North amend the CPA without
agreement of the South? Should the South accept any amendment
to the CPA before 2011, the terminal date of the agreement?
What should the South do should the Sudanese establishment
decide to amend or cancel the CPA as they did to the Addis
Ababa Agreement in Port Sudan in 1977? If it has become
increasingly clear that making unity attractive is impossible,
should the partition of Sudan occur peacefully or violently?
Which option is better as the resulting countries will continue
to interact through trade, grazing land, migration, and
in many other aspects?
********************************
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