In this paper, I will discuss the performances and practices of the Kwoto Cultural Center as a strategy of translation. Although the Center's primary audience consists of displaced southerners in Khartoum, they acknowledge a series of other audiences: northern Sudanese, diaspora Sudanese, and funders, sponsors and supporters abroad. This paper focuses particularly on the tension that exists between the work and its message as it is performed for indigenous audiences and as it is translated for the international circuit.
Many members of the Kwoto Cultural Center, an arts and culture organization in Khartoum, were born in 1983, the year of the formal institution of the September Laws, and the year, too, that marks the beginning of Sudan's second civil war. Kwoto, an organization dedicated to the invention and revivification of southern performing arts, is located in Khartoum, the capital in the North, and its very location may, from one perspective, testify to the failure of the state to unify the nation. Although long-term residents of Khartoum, many members of Kwoto perceive their residency as temporary and speak of themselves as operating in exile, away from particular and imagined homes in the South of Sudan. While in the North, they are defined by international law, and most importantly, by themselves, as "displaced persons" and most are Christian. Their status as non-Muslim confers on them second-class citizenship in Sudan and a hostile role vis a vis the state. Still, the theater they produce, and the identifications and associations that they create, are inextricably tied to their modern urban subjectivities. The Center itself rhetorically situates its art and performances as a series of border-crossing tactics; I argue these tactics entail translations: translations of the North for the newly arrived southerner, the southerner for the ignorant northerner, a "United Sudan" for audiences in Abu Dhabi, and the problems of Sudan for an NGO in the Netherlands.
Although I agree with recent calls by scholars for more precise applications of the term "displaced" and "displacement (Assal 2000; El Shazali 1995), I am more interested in this paper in when, how and why the term gets deployed amongst southerners in Khartoum, as both a mode of self-definition and a means toward self-determination. When do performances seek the city as "home" and when is "displacement" invoked? I argue that the employment of the vocabulary of "displacement" can be a means of entering, becoming visible to, and gaining currency in, ongoing international conversations
Kevin M. DeJesus
York University
This paper will explore the intersections of religio-ethnic conflict, displacement
and refugee protection and assistance in the context of the on-going war inside
the Sudan. War-torn societies such as the Sudan are saturated with religiously
inspired political projects. Such agendas are often played out through aid programs
to displaced persons. Diversity found among Muslim and non-Muslim persons, as
is the case with the people of the Sudan, provides for a shared sense of common
religious identity among several ecumenical groups in the West. This imagined
community of co-religionists inspires many religious activists to involve themselves
within these societies, vis-à-vis protection and assistance schemes to
displaced persons. Deconstructing such phenomena and exploring the nuances of
displacement, religion and aid to those caught up in war are considered through
a critical analysis of these dynamics as they relate to the Sudan and its uprooted
people.
Abdelrahman Al Bashir
(Independent Scholar
Migration has long been an outstanding feature in the history, demography,cultural
and political life of the country. The Nile and its tributaries, the great sandy
and clay plains in the east, centre and west, have attracted multitudes of people
to infiltrate and settle. The Red Sea was no barrier to the influx of tribal
Arabs to cross and spread the new faith. As part of the great Arab exodus, tribal
groups crossed into Egypt, to North Africa and southwards to enter the Sudan
through Darfur and Kordufan. Intermingling took place with the indigenous populace,
and by the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Nubian Kingdom became Arabized
and Muslim.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, a West African migratory movement towards the Sudan was triggered through the notion of the hijra in the face of European occupation and severe cycles of draught and famine. The meaning of "home" was conceived to engulf Muslim land along the Savannah Belt. Muslim and animist Fulani groups revived their legend of an "utopia" in the land between two Niles. Pilgrims using the overland routes crossed the Sudan on their way to Makkah. On return, many were inclined to stay and join former immigrants. The need for agricultural labor brought in migrants who came in order to stay. The result is the presence of the largest minority group of West Africans exceeding three million in number.
The Tuko-Egyptian invasion in 1812 brought southern and northern Sudan under one centralized system of government. The "eternal" relationship with Egypt had to be clearly defined. By the time of independence in mid 1950, The "Unity of the Nile Valley" was dropped to be replaced later by "integration" between the two countries. Economic cooperation has never entailed any transfer of Fellahin to settle and help develop land in the Sudan. Some thinkers in both countries believe that would be a logical step towards development, and a realistic approach to population explosion in Egypt. Integration however, has provided a compromise ( temporary? ) to the thorny problem of Halayeb.
The geographical fact the Sudan is adjoining nine countries is a blessing for asylum seekers fleeing from persecution, gross human rights violation, civil wars and discrimination. Refugees from some neighboring countries began to flock towards Sudanese borders since 1960. The Sudan is having a refugee problem of its own. Beginning in 1955, and intensified during years of military rule, repatriation of around a million refugees had to await the conclusion of the Addis Ababa Agreement which granted the South autonomous rule. However, failure to resolve the "root causes" of the conflict has led to crossing and re-crossing of borders, and caused consequently a lingering problem of refugees and displacement.
Besides international borders, Sudanese have continued to cross "internal"
borders, from the "deep" South to the "deep" North, and
from West and East to other places all over the country. The result of all this
is a multi-racial, poly-ethnic and culturally diversified nation in search for
mutual acceptance and national reconciliation.